Saturday, 27 October 2012

Tamil strategy Session and Thamilar Sangamam Nov 2-4, 2012


BRIAN SENEWIRATNE                                                                  292 Pine Mt Rd
MA (Cantab), MBBChir (Cantab), MBBS Hons (Lond) ,                  Mt Gravatt
MD(Lond), FRCP(Lond), FRACP                                                   Australia 
Consultant Physician 
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                                                                                 email  bsenewiratne@gmail.com

26 Oct 2012

Elias Jeyarajah
President
USTPAC
Tamil strategy Session and Thamilar Sangamam
Nov 2-4, 2012

Dear Mr Jeyaraj.

Notice of this meeting came my way because I am a Senator of the TGTE. However, I am not sending this in this capacity but as an ordinary concerned person (a Sinhalese at that), who has been campaigning for six decades (since 1948) for justice for the Tamil people. I have no agenda except peace with justice in Sri Lanka and the protection of basic human rights for all of its people.

Although I am sending a copy of this to the TGTE, they are not responsible for this. They may not even agree with some or all of what I have to say. The responsibility for what I say is mine and mine alone.

  1. Tamil Eelam is not negotiable. In the dozen dvds I have recorded on the Tamil struggle, I have suggested other options such as a Federal Tamil State, a Confederation etc. This is now history. None of these other options are possible or even desirable now or in the foreseeable future. It has to be a complete break with the regime in Colombo.

  1. Stand-alone or not. The only question is whether Tamil Eelam should be a ‘stand-alone’ entity or in coalition with India (such as exists today with Pondicherry). The latter, has not even been considered, let alone pursued, but does have significant advantages. Any solution that is not backed by India, a major regional power, will fail. The converse is also true. Any solution backed by India will probably succeed. The problem is, of course, that India (read Delhi) has its own geopolitical/economic agenda that has nothing to do with human rights of the Tamil people.

A ‘stand-alone’ separate Tamil Eelam which I have backed since 1956, when my uncle, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike went down the highly destructive path of ethno-religious chauvinism, is without doubt the best solution. However, Delhi will totally block this because of the possibility, indeed the probability, of similar separatist tendencies in India, especially, but not exclusively, TamilNadu. This is not an opinion to be debated but a fact to be faced and addressed.

  1. Using the word

However desirable Eelam is, I’d be cautious in using that word when lobbying foreign governments (which I have done for years). If this is not done, the shutters will come down and you will be talking to a brick wall.

I’d suggest terms such as “What is needed is a reversal of a British colonial construct, the 1833 Colebrooke-Cameron ‘reforms’ which have clearly failed in Sri Lanka, as they have in so many former colonial countries”

In effect, this will be Tamil Eelam sans the word. The opposition would be
much less.

  1. The immediate admission of AI, HRW and ICG into Sri Lanka

The war is over, the Tamil people have been rehabilitated, and there are now only happy smiling faces in the north and east – according to the Govt of Sri Lanka (GoSL). The continuing exclusion of internationally credible human rights organisations, one of them a Nobel Prize winner, to check this out by allowing free access to the North and East is indefensible. For some reason which I cannot see, this crucial and obvious demand has not been made when it should have been in one voice. This has to be done NOW with immediate effect. There can be no ‘if’s’ and ‘buts’ about this.

  1. War Crimes

To launch a war crimes investigation is urgent and imperative. AI has been very clear about this, as have other major human rights groups.I have been in contact with the office of Geoffrey Robertson QC in London for quite some time. He is a world authority on this and has dragged many criminals to the International Criminal Court. He and Prof Francis Boyle (USA) with whom I have also been in touch, are ideal. They are about all we need.

What we need is 1) money 2) evidence.

Although Mr Robertson might well appear pro bono although there is no particular reason why he should do so, his juniors will have to be paid, and so will the cost of litigation. I have no doubt that the necessary money will come from the 1.1 million expat Tamils, and even millions of Tamils in Tamilnadu if a proper program is put together. People will part with their money if they know that this is real, and not something that will fizzle out.

The evidence is there in plenty from the asylum seekers and refugees from the former conflict zone who can testify who did what.

The evidence has to be properly collected and attested if it is to carry any legal validity. Can this be done? Yes, it can be done from (now) readily available sources.

It has to be done by Tamils. I know this from experience. When I visited one of the detention centres in Australia to do just that, I had to take an interpreter with me since I know no Tamil. As soon as the informant realized that I was a Sinhalese, worse still the former Sri Lankan President’s cousin, the talking stopped stat. That is understandable.

Whether or not evidence collected in camera is valid is for someone in the legal field to advise. I am sure Prof Boyle will provide this information since he has dragged people who have a case to answer in such situations. He did so single-handed as he has stated in the recently released book “Genocide in Sri Lanka” of which I have a copy.

Whether the Case is won or lost is not that important. What is important is that people in power in Sri Lanka (and outside) who have a case to answer, be charged.

This could well be coupled with a case for compensation, a mass action if you want to call it that, by those who were affected by all this and their dependents who are today ‘non-people’, with no home, no income, no security – nothing.

  1. Targetting key individuals

Charging President Rajapaksa is not a problem. Charles Taylor, the Liberian President was recently sentenced to 50 years in jail, and Omar al-Bashir, the current President of Sudan, has just been convicted by the International Criminal Court). If charging President Rajapaksa is a problem (which it is not), at least a start can be made charging Gotabaya Rajapaksa and former General Sarath Fonseka. These two individuals are citizens/green card holders in the US and charging them should pose no difficulty. I have no idea why this has not been done especially since they seem to be able to visit the US freely. Charges must be framed and in position so that they can be arrested on arrival. I am not sure that a request by the US cannot be made for their deportation, being US citizens, to face Court in the US.

So also Keheliya Rabukwela, an Australian citizen, who has a case to answer.

As you know, several former Army personnel have now been appointed as ‘diplomats’ by the GoSL to give them protection. That may not work. They might not get the protection they claim. Major General Jagath Dias sent to as a deputy Ambassador to Germany and Switzerland has already been sent back due to commendable action by the Tamils in Europe. The same must be done to others of his ilk.

The Head of the Navy, Admiral Thissara Samarasinghe is the Sri Lankan High Commissioner in Australia. He simply must be investigated. So also Major General Shavenrdra Silva, the Sri Lanka Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and a host of others. That Silva was debarred from attending the meetings of the UN Special Advisory group is not good enough. He must be sent back.

The fact that none of this has been done is a reflection of the incompetence and apathy of the expatriate Tamil Community. They seem to be unaware of the Yamashita Principle, ‘Chain of Command’ responsibility, that people who have been in charge of those who committed atrocities can, and have been, charged. General Yamashita was charged, convicted in a military tribunal, appealed, reconvicted in a civil Court, sentenced to death and executed.

Former LTTE leaders such as ‘Karuna’ (Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan) currently the Minister of National Integration in Rajapaksa’s cabinet, must be investigated and charged. Amnesty International (www.amnesty.org/node/6116) on 7 October 2008, stated that Karuna’s presence in Parliament was a travesty of justice and theta he should be charged. He was a commander in the LTTE and “is suspected of a string of human rights abuses and war crimes, including the abduction of hundreds of teenagers to serve as child soldiers, and for the torture, holding as hostage and killing of civilians in Sri Lanka”. (quote from the AI publication). He arrived in London on a faked ‘diplomatic passport’ issued on the instructions of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, arrested by the British police, tried, convicted and jailed in the UK.

7. Boycott
This is essential. When I visited Bishop Desmond Tutu in Cape Town a couple of years ago, I met with several people from the ANC who had been around during the apartheid struggle. They said that the only two things that brought the apartheid regime to its knees were the trade boycott an sports boycott (especially cricket). Not one of the other measure eg motions passed in the UN, had the slightest effect.

I these had such an effect on one of the richest countries in the world, one need hardly stress what the effect would be on a country already nearly bankrupt.

The boycott must cover all goods and services in and out of Sri Lanka, tourism, tea, garments – everything. It has to be a total isolation of Sri Lanka as was done to apartheid South Africa.

I have seen Meena Kandasamy’s article on this. I have met her a few years ago when we both addressed a meeting in Sydney, “A better world is possible”. I was greatly impressed by her. People like her can play a critical role in India.

  1. India

Tamilnadu, with some 75 million Tamils, with a most outspoken Chief Minister, Jayalalitha, must be supported. Whatever we feel about the latter, there is no question that she is the only Indian leader in recent times who has been prepared to take in Delhi, in favour of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Although I have focused on Tamilnadu, it is important to appreciate that there are several other States that must be lobbied. The combined force of all these on Delhi might well have a dramatic effect.

After what happened to Fr S,J, Emmanuel (GTF) who could not even get a visa to enter India, the chance of getting there is not great. It will have to be left to people like Meena Kandasamy and some of the Tamil activists in Tamilnadu.

It is important to appreciate that to get India on board is more important than getting any other county in the world ‘on board’. It is India that counts, it is India that can deliver justice.

There is not the slightest doubt that Delhi has its own geopolitical and economic agenda that has nothing to do with the human rights of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. This will have to change, and it will, if the pressure is exerted by the people who matter – ie Indians.

  1. Finance

It goes without saying that nothing will happen without the necessary funds. I do not for a moment believe that the expatriate Tamils, now more than a million, living and working in some of the most affluent countries in the world, have suddenly run out of money. The money is there but people will not part with it unless there is a proper strategy of action (an ‘action-plan’ if you kike) and results. People will not part with their money for some vague ‘plan’ – often no credible plan as to how the money will be spent.

If people are convinced that this is real, and not some sort a illusion, money will flow. As it did when the LTTE produced success after success in defeating the Sri Lankan armed forces, time and time again, the most notable being the capture of Elephant Pass which was thought to to impossible.

  1. UNHRC
There has to be a strong showing at the UNHRC in Geneva in March 2013 when the Sri Lankan government will be scrutinized  If the Tamil National Alliance does not wish to attend (something they did in March 2012), that is their problem. We ave got to be sure that we are there, and that people who really represent the Tamil people such as Bishop Rayappu Joseph and Tamil Civil Society are there, if we are not to have another farce – which is what the USA ‘Resolution’ was. As Bishop Joseph warned the American diplomats who visited Sri Lanka before the UNHRC meeting, to give the Rajapaksa regime more time would be disastrous. That is precisely what happened. My booklet on Bishop Rayappu Joseph (on the net and on www.briansenewiratne.blogspot.com details what Bishop Joseph and others in the North and East told the visiting Americans. What was done by America was the very opposite of what should have been done.

  1. Close cooperation with the people on the ground (North and East)

People on the ground ie Bishop Joseph (Mannar) and Tamil Civil Society (mainly in Jaffna) will have to be contacted and supported. I will be more than happy to give the names of those who matter and who can set out the ground situation as it affects civilians in the North and East accurately. There are members of the TNA who are competent and committed but they do not seem to be the ones whose voices are heard.

  1. The Sinhala South

The Sinhala South where I come from must be targeted. That is easier said than done with a tyranny in power. However there are people such as Wije Dias, Siritunga Jayasuriya and Dr Vickremabahu Karunaratne (all of whom contested Rajapaksa for the Presidency) who can, and will, act. They can mobilise the South to bring Colombo to a halt and make Sri Lanka ungovernable – Rajapaksa’s hooligans, some in uniform and others in yellow robes, notwithstanding.

If ‘Regime change’ is what is required (and it is), it is only the Sinhalese people who can do this. The Tamils both in or outside Sri Lanka simply cannot do this. This does not mean that we do nothing. On the contrary, very effective actions such as a crippling boycott can only be done by us.

  1. Plantation Tamils

It is ironic that the Plantation Tamils, looked down upon and ignored by the Sri Lankan Tamils from ‘day 1’, can bring the Rajapaksa (or any other) regime in Colombo to a halt. In the critical economic situation that Sri Lanka is in, all that these tea estate workers have to do is to down tools, and the Rajapaksa regime would be reeling.

It is important to realise that the Thondamans are not the ‘gods’ they used to be and the Plantation Tamils not the ‘sheep’ they were. The situation in the tea plantations is changing and these people are beginning to stir. I have very good evidence for this. They are the single most powerful force that the Sri Lankan Tamils have. That is a reality that has not been appreciated.

  1. Justifying the unjustifiable

Trying to justify the unjustifiable eg the murder of Rajiv Gandhi, and several others, and blowing up the ‘Temple of the Tooth’ or killing innocent civilians in a bus, cannot be justified. Attempts to do so will only result in a loss of credibility.

On a slightly different note, the treat or even the mention of a ‘return to an armed conflict’ (as International Crisis Group has stated in one of their publications) is nonsense. The Tamils can never militarily defeat the Sri Lankan armed forces. It will not happen. All that this absurd talk will do is to enable Rajapaksa to justify the expansion of the armed forces, and tighten the military control of the Tamil areas.

  1. Tamil Eelam will not drop from heaven
However justifiable Tamil Eelam is, it will not be delivered on a plate (as
Independence from Britain was delivered on a plate to Ceylon). It will have to
be a combined struggle of the Tamils in the North and East, the Sinhalese in
the South (struggling to survive under one of the most corrupt, murderous and
incompetent governments ever to rule Sri Lanka), the Tamils in Tamilnadu,
and the million expatriate Tamils who can bring the necessary pressure on the
Rajapaksa regime to see the light of day.

If the current activities of the Rajapaksa regime continue – of ‘Sinhalising’ the
Tamil areas, plundering Tamil land and making the Tamils in the area ‘non-
people, there will be no Tamil Eelam to establish.

Had I been given the necessary time, I would have gladly come and addressed your meeting on November 2-3. under the circumstances all I can do is to offer to do so on Skype, whatever the time is in Australia.

Brian Senewiratne                                     Brisbane Australia             26 October 2012.   

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